If all targets are reached, Greece's
debt-to-gross-domestic-product (GDP) ratio will only be down to 120 percent
by 2020.This “success” would only be in the Sisyphean tasks -- in reference
to Greek mythological hero Sisyphus, who was punished by being compelled to roll
an immense boulder up a hill only to watch it roll back down, and to repeat
this action forever -- asked of Greeks by foreign lenders, plus for decent
growth. Since the beginning of the crisis, I have argued that either Greece
should exit the eurozone or its European creditors should accept a great
“haircut”, a euphemism used by finance people to stigmatize a forgiven debt.
Let me point out that banks holding Greek sovereign debt have already
accepted a haircut worth more than 50 percent of what they are owed. The
haircut needed now directly concerns the European Stability Fund because the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) is not allowed to forgive any debt on its
own.
Some European Union members -- particularly German
Chancellor Angela Merkel -- refused until recently any possibility of a
haircut, afraid of the reaction of her tax-paying electorate. However, it
seems that Merkel is changing her mind. A few days ago she said in an
interview with Bild am Sonntag that they could consider forgiving more Greek
debt after 2014 if Athens' financial situation improves. “If Greece can once
again get by without taking on new debt, then we must look at and assess the
situation. That won't be the case before 2014/15 if everything goes according
to plan,” she told the paper. So, the “Iron Chancellor” envisages easing
Greece's debt burden once the German elections, to be held in September of
2013, are over.
The question is whether the Greeks can hold out that long.
Nick Malkoutzis, a well-known columnist of the Greek daily Kathimerini,
explained recently how Sisyphus has made at least halfway. Malkoutzis wrote:
“It should be about acknowledging that some of the key weaknesses that were
so publicly aired at the start of the crisis: public spending, wage costs and
a current account imbalance have now largely been corrected. It should also
be about recognizing that this, possibly the world's most dramatic fiscal
adjustment, has come at a huge cost, one that cannot be borne indefinitely.”
Indeed, according to recent figures, the Greek current
account balance saw 775 million euros of surplus in September. Greek deficit
was more than 20 billion euros a year before the crisis struck. It is true
that this surplus was reached with the collapse of domestic demand and not
through a spectacular increase of the exports, but the effort is obvious
anyhow. According Malkoutzis, “the Finance Ministry confirmed another primary
surplus [budget surplus excluding interest payments], of 930 million euros,
in October.” All of these achievements have been made in the context of an
ominous economy where there has been a 3.6 percent reduction in disposable
income, a 15.1 percent drop in compensation, a 9.5 percent reduction in
welfare benefits and a 37.3 percent increase in taxes within a year.
Malkoutzis says that it would be worth considering “which
of the EU governments would survive, which of their electorates would
tolerate and which of their countries would be able to absorb the impact of
such an abrupt adjustment. Greece has paid and is continuing to pay for its
grave mistakes but we have reached the point where its partners must realize
that they hold the key to the country being able to make a fresh start. The
fiscal consolidation and the structural reforms [those already carried out
and many more still to come] will count for nothing if there is no convincing
deal on Greek sustainability.”
Admittedly, Sisyphus needs a hand from its European
partners. But this hand has a sizable cost in terms of income transfers for
taxpayers, except those belonging to members that have already signed
stabilization programs with Brussels. The fundamental problem in the eurozone
is actually to what extent the “wealthy” taxpayers of the north will be
accept such income transfers to European citizens of the south. In other
words, what is the acceptable cost to pay to avoid a disorderly Greek
default? A haircut for Greece must happen sooner or later, but probably
also for some other heavily indebted countries. But what will be the
political costs to the decision-makers of these haircuts? I believe no one
knows the answer.
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