This week's turmoil in the financial markets woke us from an early August
torpor. First there was a limited increase in the exchange rate, then the
Turkish Central Bank decided, unexpectedly, to increase the upper limit of
its interest corridor by 50 points, followed by a limited but significant
shock in the exchange rate on Wednesday, along with good news from the US
economy on the strong housing demand. Finally on Thursday, while I am writing
these words, the drift of the Turkish lira continues after the release of the
Federal Reserve's July minutes implying an earlier than expected halt to its
loose monetary policy. Admittedly, the central bank's reaction was not convincing.
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On July 15, I wrote in this column (“Relax until autumn”) that, based on
Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke's testimony to Congress, the
restrictive monetary policy would not start before autumn. I was mistaken.
The hour of truth came earlier. Everybody, from the managers of the economy
to the investors and even to simple citizens, were perfectly aware of what
would happen in the near future. First, the Fed would gradually cease its
purchases of assets from the market, in this way ending its quantitative
easing policy that flooded financial markets with trillions of cheap US
dollars in recent years, and then the Fed would abandon its zero interest
rate policy if the US economy were definitely past the risk of recession. It
was also well known that changing the Fed's monetary policy would cause
outflows of capital, particularly from emerging economies suffering from
chronic current account deficits, such as Turkey. It seems that this new
international scenario is now under way, perhaps earlier than expected.
Since what would happen is common knowledge, the question is what policy
reaction must be made in this new international setting to counter a fully
fledged exchange rate and interest rate shock in order to avoid a recession.
In my article of June 17 I questioned whether the Turkish economy was on the
eve of recession. My answer was “Yes,” if the government did not abandon the
conspiracy theories around the infamous “interest rate lobby.” Since then,
these theories have fortunately disappeared from the discourse of Prime
Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, but it is still not certain that the central
bank is fully independent in setting its monetary policy.
Just before the recent turmoil started, Deputy Prime Minister Ali Babacan
declared that the measures to be taken against the consequences of the
expected Fed policies were ready, without describing them explicitly. We can
guess that pursuing fiscal discipline, in other words maintaining low budget
deficits, is part of these measures. Indeed, in an economy where there is a
high current account deficit and which is moreover obliged to finance the
biggest part of this deficit with portfolio investments and bank loans,
fiscal discipline constitutes a precious anchor but it is not, unfortunately,
enough to prevent capital outflows and the drift of the Turkish lira. The
value of the currency basket reached 2.30 on Thursday, meaning a depreciation
of 15 percent compared with May. Obviously, the recent increase by 50 points
of the upper limit of the interest rate corridor, now standing at 7.75
percent, has not been sufficient to calm the appetite for hard currency. I
must note that the effective interest rate used by the central bank when
giving liquidity to the banking system stays below 7 percent, while the
market rates are now close to 10 percent. So, the central bank began to use
its reserves again through the daily sale of hundreds of millions of US
dollars. A number of economists, including myself, have the impression that
the Turkish Central Bank is still under political pressure, since it cannot
use its main instrument, the policy interest rate. The more the Turkish lira
depreciates, the more inflationary pressures will increase. The central bank
cannot maintain its interest rates at their current level in these
circumstances.
Are there other measures? I do not think so. Certainly, it is possible to
let the Turkish lira depreciate until it reaches a sustainably low value.
This could help to lower the current account deficit, and then capital inflows
could begin again, but this will be at the expense of economic growth in the
short term. In this case, the economy risks entering a temporary recession,
and then a new equilibrium could emerge from this if an increase in inflation
cannot be prevented. Nonetheless, I do not believe that this is a policy
option for a government that will soon face a series of elections.
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