What impressed me most among these assessments was Babacan's confession
about the nature of Turkey's ongoing economic growth. He is not happy with
its quality. Me neither. Let me quote what he said about this controversial
topic.
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Vice Prime Minister Ali Babacan worried about the quality of growth |
“When you look at the growth figures by themselves the picture isn't bad,
but we have worries about the quality of growth. … We grew by 4.4 percent in
the second quarter but the major source of this growth was domestic
consumption and a little bit of public spending. We observe decreases in
private investment as well as in net exports. … This picture is not one we
would like to see. In fact, we would like to see the opposite. We want to
have growth based on both private investment and exports. Yes, we grew by 4.4
percent, but what made up this growth doesn't make us happy. When growth is
based on these factors [private investment and exports], the impact of growth
on the current account deficit [CAD] is positive. However, when the growth is
based on consumption, the current account deficit widens.” Babacan added that
the government will make efforts to improve the quality of growth.
Before explaining why this assessment, which in fact simply repeats the
well-known problem of ongoing growth, seems critical to me, let me remind you
of some misperceptions regarding Turkey's second-quarter growth. As I tried
to explain in my Sept. 9 column (“Two different narratives of growth”), the
causes of the second-quarter growth vary depending on the analytical
perspective. Babacan is looking at yearly growth (the change in gross
domestic product [GDP] from the second quarter of 2012 to the second quarter
of 2013), and what he says is true. Nevertheless, quarterly growth (from the
first quarter to the second quarter) is different in two respects: Private
investment contributed positively, albeit quite moderately, to growth, while
public expenditure has significantly slowed. However, let me add that
negative net exports continued to widen the CAD.
Of course, those nuances don't change the global picture: Turkey's real
economic growth is basically based on private consumption and the CAD is
widening at a time when the international liquidity glut will be ending
sooner or later. The Fed's recent decision to leave the quantity of its asset
purchases unchanged only postponed the end of the party for a few months. The
only virtue of the Turkish economy's current situation is the government's
insistence on fiscal discipline. Babacan underlined this insistency once
again at the financial summit, saying that the government has never
compromised on fiscal discipline during elections and won't compromise this
time, either. He warned that if a widening budget deficit is added to the
already widening CAD, then Turkey's economic and financial stability will be
damaged.
This was a long digression, I admit. So let's get back to the quality of
economic growth. At the moment, the Turkish economy is unable to base its
growth on exports for various reasons. Turkish industry isn't competitive
enough in terms of costs or technology. Hence, it is quite natural that
private consumption, fueled by the liquidity glut, is the main engine of
economic growth. But this growth regime excessively hollowed out domestic
savings and widened the CAD. At the beginning of the 2000s, the CAD-GDP ratio
was about 3 percent. It is over 7 percent now. Moreover, as recent Betam
research points out (see my Aug. 30 column, “Turkey on the brink of middle
income trap”), labor productivity is almost null. For two years, growth has
been driven exclusively by capital stock and employment increases.
Babacan is right: Under these circumstances, the Justice and Development
Party (AK Party) government should make great efforts to shift the
unsustainable growth regime to a more balanced one in which exports, on the
demand side, and productivity, on the supply side, play a determining role.
These efforts -- in other words, the necessary structural reforms (in
education, the labor market, the fiscal system, etc.) -- are well known, and
as Babacan pointed out, they are written in “the official documents”
(development plans, etc.). But where is the political will -- and the
decisiveness?
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