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PM Erdoğan at the Ordu rally this week-end |
Despite the arrests of the sons of two ministers by court decision,
Economy Minister Zafer Çağlayan and Interior Minister Muammer Güler, who are
indirectly involved in the corruption scandal, did not resign as was
suggested by former AK Party minister Ertuğrul Günay, who is still a deputy
of the ruling party. Erdoğan seems determined to protect them.
Dozens of high-ranking security bureaucrats as well as the managers of
the state-owned Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT) have been
discharged from their duties, and the Ministry of Justice has appointed two
new prosecutors to the investigation. Obviously, this reaction appears to be
an operation to involve the political authority in the judicial process. But
the most striking feature of the prime minister's discourse is that he has
also decided to portray the corruption allegations as an international plot
against his government.
Erdoğan put under the spotlight US Ambassador to Turkey Francis
Ricciardone by stating: “Recently, very strangely, ambassadors have gotten
involved in some provocative acts. I am calling on them from here to do your
job. If you leave your area of duty, this could extend into our government's
area of jurisdiction. We do not have to keep you in our country.” These
caustic sentences prove that the AK Party has decided to declare a war not
only against the Hizmet movement but also to provoke tensions with the US.
Since they have opted for a defensive attack strategy, this reaction does not
surprise anyone. At the heart of the corruption machinery lies the bypassing
of the US embargo against Iran.
Personally I am not against this; the US embargo is not only unfair but
also against the economic interests of Turkey. That said, it is quite
possible that Halkbank was unofficially charged by the government with
organizing this bypass. Washington's discontent about a possible avoiding of
the embargo by Halkbank was documented by the Turkish press months ago.
However, I do not think the prime minister and most of the ministers were
aware of the commissions that were paid. When you create a fuzzy area out of
a legal context, you must be very careful about the possibility of
corruption, all the more since the commission money involved amounts of
hundreds of millions of US dollars, even if we heavily discount the alleged
and quite unbelievable $87 billion euro amount of concealed transactions with
Iran.
In my last piece I suggested that the AK Party is facing a choice between
two alternatives: It can either expand its authoritarian mode of governance
and use all the coercive instruments at its disposal to try and prevent a
decline in the AK Party's electoral support, or it can make a shift to a
collaborative strategy in respect of political reforms, leaving behind
Erdoğan's presidential ambitions and allowing the judiciary to independently
handle the corruption case. A close friend of mine told me I was being rather
naïve regarding this second choice. He was probably right, but it was the
optimal one concerning the interests of the country as well as those of the
AK Party. Unfortunately, the party has chosen the first strategy. I am afraid
that this strategy has little chance of convincing even the AK Party
supporters that the corruption scandal is just an international plot with
domestic collaborators.
From now on we should expect a widening of the existent political
fractures and growing polarization in Turkish society. I believe that this
strategy, implying increasing tensions with the West, will weaken the AK
Party. Political uncertainties will increase and the risks of political
instability will thus be reinforced. As I claimed in my last piece, a
full-fledged economic crisis should not be expected, but economic growth may
slump further, thus pushing up unemployment.
I think the AK Party made the wrong choice. Now the critical issue will
be the level of the AK Party's electoral support in the local elections to be
held on March 30. I do not think there will be a massive reduction in the AK
Party's electoral support. Nevertheless, a sizable decline in its share of
votes may be a benign warning for Erdoğan and maintain hopes for the future
of democracy in Turkey.
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