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Who really threatens economic stability? |
The first question that must be raised regarding this argument is: Should
we take it seriously? To ask in another way: Should the millions of people
who voted for the AKP in June 2011 be afraid of the loss of economic
stability? My answer is yes. Economic stability is threatened and we should
be afraid of this, but who is really threatening economic stability?
It is true that after the lost decade of the 1990s, rocked by recurrent
political and economic crises, Turkey experienced a decade of political and
economic stability under AKP rule. During this period, per capita income has
increased by an average of 3.5 percent per year, meaning a real increase of
46 percent per capita over 11 years. Moreover, this increase has particularly
helped the poorest 40 percent of households. This impressive per capita
increase has ensured a sizable drop in poverty, whatever measure we use. I
assert this with full knowledge of the facts, as one of my current research
priorities is poverty in Turkey. We must add to the drop in poverty the
improvement in public services, particularly in the health sector, which is
not included in poverty measures.
So, the new defense line of AKP could be persuasive for the electorate.
Unfortunately, the mass of ordinary voters are unable to perceive where the
real danger lies. This is understandable. What is less understandable is that
even foreign investors, who should be better informed and capable of making a
sound analysis, have a similar approach to the economic stability issue. The
other day, watching an economics program on TV, I was shocked to hear an
investment consultant saying that her foreign clients believe that if the AKP
receives over 45 percent of the vote, this will be perceived as a guarantee
of economic stability, since the AKP would preserve its strength and
political uncertainties would be obviated. Such silly nonsense.
The economic stability was due to two basic factors: first, a
well-functioning open market economy, thanks to a sound fiscal policy and
respect for the autonomy of key economic institutions such as the Central
Bank of Turkey, the Banking Regulation and Supervision Agency (BDDK) and the
Turkish Competition Authority; and second, the existence of a pluralistic
democracy respecting -- to at least a minimal degree -- the Copenhagen
criteria, under which Turkey is pursuing membership negotiations with the EU.
These two pillars provided a crucial contribution to the fairly high
economic growth by encouraging investment and maintaining the inflow of
foreign capital, filling the gap between low domestic savings and high
investment -- in other words, financing the huge current account deficit.
However, erosion in these pillars is now jeopardizing Turkey's economic
stability. Since the Gezi Park protests of last year -- and even more acutely
since the graft scandal erupted on Dec. 17 -- neither a well-functioning open
economy nor a pluralistic democracy that respects the rule of law can be
assumed in Turkey under the rule of the AKP, as long as Erdoğan leads the
party. The prime minister's criticism of the so-called “interest-rate lobby,”
his strange approach to fighting inflation with low interest rates, his open
defiance regarding the conduct of monetary policy by the central bank and his
growing interference in other economic institutions must be construed as
leading indicators of an imminent change in economic policies if the AKP
emerges from the March 30 local elections with a comfortable support.
However, the biggest threat to economic stability comes from the dangers
of Erdoğan's drift toward authoritarianism. A strong electoral show of
support will certainly encourage him to continue with a revitalized
conviction to interfere in the judiciary, the press and in stigmatizing
various business communities accused of being “traitors” and “plotters.” This
atmosphere is certainly not propitious for investment and therefore economic
stability and growth.
It could also be asked if a low share of the vote for the AKP would
better serve economic stability. This is not something we can be sure about.
Nevertheless, I can assert that if this comes to pass, we can at least hope
that important changes will occur in the ruling party, making it capable of
returning to the old days when rationality and modesty were held in higher
esteem than madness and arrogance as is the case nowadays.
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