What I am thinikg about Gezi Park protests

The article below has been published today by Todays' Zaman and signed by it editor in chief Bülent Keneş. As he expresses almost fully what I am thinking about Gezi Park Protests, I did not want to praphrase him.

The lessons to be learned from Gezi Park and two ways ahead
I have been in Bangkok since Friday to attend the Congress of the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA). But I have been intently following the news stories about the incidents in Taksim Square in İstanbul, back in Turkey. I have hardly had any sleep due to watching the developments in Turkey on Friday night, despite the four-hour difference between the time zones of İstanbul and Bangkok. I would like to share with you my thoughts about those worrying incidents.
I think there is no need to reiterate the legendary reforms and democratization moves the ruling party has implemented under extraordinarily hard and challenging conditions during their first two terms in office since 2002. However, having emerged as the sole indisputable power in the country after overcoming those challenges one by one thanks to its popular appeal, the same ruling party has failed to preserve the pace with which they implemented democratic reforms, and they have even occasionally backpedaled in some areas of democratization, rule of law and fundamental rights and freedoms although the conditions have been much more favorable in recent years. Although they have come to exert full control over the entire state apparatus, the ruling party has fallen prey to "power intoxication" due to the fact that there was no serious threat to their government from opposition parties, a significant portion of the media were bought or intimidated, and civil society was made subservient. Just as previous ruling parties had done in the past, the ruling party has started to act with extreme self-reliance, turning a deaf ear to well-meaning criticisms and even perceiving every critical word as antagonistic. A lack of serious competition from opposition parties has made the ruling party feel more and more self-confident, and with a tendency to grow more authoritarian, it has kicked off efforts to shape everyone's lives using state power. This deterioration in the ruling Justice and Development Party's (AKP) performance has created serious grievances and criticisms among diverse groups that formed the broad coalition that placed the AKP in power for three successive terms with increasing strength, and the government has started to cut off the channels of communication with the members of this coalition one by one. In a process similar to what the legendary Motherland Party (ANAVATAN) of the 1980s went through, the AKP has distanced itself from its supporters, but found itself surrounded by a gang of self-seekers and henchmen, who are set on building a virtual world around the ruling party. Unlike the usual reformist policies of its early years in office, the AKP has today come to be associated with giant construction projects in İstanbul and other cities that pay no regard to the environment in an effort to create benefits and revenues for certain self-seeking supporters. Broad social groups that have continued until recently to lend support to the AKP in the face of challenges from anti-democratic groups have started to believe that the ruling party is no longer a reformist or democratizing party, but has become a center of distribution of lucre. As it has continued to wave off criticism or advice with self-conceit, the process of making Turkey more transparent and demilitarized and shrinking the sphere the state controls in the lives of people has been reversed. The government's formulating and passing bills is a fait accompli, paying no respect to the sensitivities or expectations of society. Despite serious opposition from various segments of society, the self-conceited and controversial moves from the government such as the match-fixing bill, the project to rebuild Gezi Park, the reductions in the penalties for corruption in public procurements, the alcohol bill and many others have aggravated people's concerns about "single man rule" and the government's tendency to grow more "authoritarian." The accumulation of these concerns are the reasons behind the intensity of the reactions to the tree massacre in Gezi Park, the sole remaining green patch near Taksim Square, and to the project to build a shopping center in its place. Of course, even the motive to protect Gezi Park is alone sufficiently important to trigger social sensitivities. But the concerns for Gezi Park are insufficient to explain why the demonstrations spread to all cities across the country. On the other hand, the protests that started innocently and with sincere demands and with the participation of various social groups have gone off track through organized provocations and manipulations starting on Friday night, and I must note that this is attributable not only to some “deep” Ergenekon-like circles, but also to the errors made by the local and central administrations. By exhibiting indifference to people's demands, the government has given a kiss of life to the “deep” networks that had been forced to retreat thanks to years of hard-fought struggle. However, as Etyen Mahçupyan of the Zaman newspaper wrote on Sunday, a civilian initiative had been formed seeking to put an end to the Gezi Park project that is disliked by many inhabitants of İstanbul, and this initiative had been trying to get their voice heard by the authorities. "As if they had gone crazy because they have been captivated by their image of İstanbul, the government and local authorities are feigning ignorance about the demands and concerns of ordinary people. They not only avoid any contact with this initiative, but also refrain from paying even minimal respect to people," Mahçupyan wrote, and one cannot agree more with him. This approach by the government, i.e., paying no heed to social sensitivities and making decisions without consulting people on critical issues that closely concern the daily lives of people, seen in many cases in the past, was defined by Mahçupyan as the "eclipse of political reason." Mümtaz'er Türköne's description of the developments as "maladministration" is proper as well. In his latest article, Türköne says the following about what should be done now: "What should be done with Gezi Park is a local issue, isn't it? A local issue should be decided by the inhabitants of the locality. How many people lend support to the project of rebuilding the park? How can a local issue grow out of proportion and amass into an intricate, colossal revolt? Answer: Through maladministration. The incidents that wreaked havoc in Taksim are a perfect case of maladministration on the part of the government and local authorities. Decision makers must have exerted great efforts and made a series of grave errors in order to create such a big scandal out of the blue. This incident should not be ignored, but utilized in university textbooks as a perfect example of maladministration." I think the Gezi Park incidents represent a turning point in Turkish political life. Nothing will be the same from now on. And the government will have to stop acting like it has been doing during the last few years. Experiences of different countries facing similar situations indicate that administrations may opt for two approaches that are at stark contrast with each other. Thus, the government may respect the sensitivities of the general public and open up channels of communication with people and abandon its fait accompli and self-conceit. It will return to its former participatory, pluralistic and democratizing agenda. Or it will grow uneasy about the potential loss of political power and become more repressive, more censorious and more tyrannical. Everyone who wishes good things for this country hopes the government will choose the first option and learn a serious lesson from the incidents. Everyone -- except those who are rushing to gain commercial profits from the plundering of the beautiful and historic city of İstanbul -- would like to see that the "eclipse of political reason" is replaced with insightful administration and discernment, wouldn't they? Who wouldn't want "maladministration" stemming from "power intoxication" to be replaced with "good governance" practices that pay due respect to people? This should and will be discussed at length. But the first thing to do is save the ordinary people and groups who sincerely protest certain government actions from falling prey to the dark and ulterior purposes of shadowy forces. To this end, common sense must rule, and the protests, which I think have attained their targets, must be stopped. At this point, everyone should hearken to the call by President Abdullah Gül, who said: "In a democratic society, reactions should be allowed to be given in accordance with rules without provoking abuses. Similarly, authorities should exert serious efforts to lend an ear to differing opinions and concerns."